Economic data: Roma are present throughout the whole territory of Bulgaria – distributed relatively equally in both rural and urban areas. According to the World Bank 50,3% of Roma are urban, 6,7% -Capital City, and 43% of the Roma are rural - World Bank Report “Poverty and Ethnicity A Cross Country Study of Roma Poverty in Central Europe”. According to the national statistic the rural Roma population is estimated at 47 %. Roma are the most prominent poverty group in many of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Roma are both poorer than other population groups, and are more likely to fall into poverty and remain poor. The roots of Roma poverty are connected to their unfavourable starting point at the outset of the transition period – with low education levels and overrepresentation among low-skilled jobs which led to disadvantages on the labour market. Compounded by discrimination and low expectations of employers, Roma have had more difficulty re-entering the job market than other groups, and have consequently become caught in a vicious circle of impoverishment. Additional barriers, including lack of access to credit and clear property ownership, combined with an over-dependence on social benefits creates a poverty trap and precludes many Roma from improving their living conditions, or starting their own businesses. Persistent disadvantages in education, including low school attendance and overrepresentation in special schools, which limit future opportunities, create a high probability that without policy interventions the next generation of Roma will continue to remain in poverty. Very few Roma are active in local or national politics, which limits their political voice. The Roma’s economic situation deteriorated sharply after 1989 as a consequence of the general economic crisis in Bulgaria. Their unemployment rate skyrocketed to a level much higher than the country’s average. Besides being less educated and less skilled, Roma suffered from the prejudices against them in Bulgarian society. These factors often lead to the employment of Bulgarian instead of Roma, a phenomenon that becomes extremely prevalent in times of high unemployment among both Bulgarians and Roma. In 1994, 76 per cent of working-age Roma were unemployed with the number reaching even 90 per cent in some regions, while only about 10-20 per cent held steady jobs (Tomova, I., 1995:71-78). 2002 UNDP survey shows that  44.4% of the Roma in Bulgaria had indicated that social assistance was the usual source of income for their households during the last six months and 2006 survey on Roma Integration and economic reform by the OSI – Sofia, estimated that between 62% and 98% of Roma relied on social assistance.

Due to their dire economic situation, Roma’s health is very poor as well. Recent research revealed an increase in the spread of Hepatitis B and C infection amongst Roma intravenous drug users. An expert warns of the enormous health and social costs for the Roma population if preventive measures against an epidemic, including HIV, are not urgently implemented (Max van der Stoel, 2000: 121). According to the UNDP survey (Faces of Poverty, Faces of Hope, UNDP, Bratislava, 2005) 75% of the Roma do not have access to essential drugs, 33% to secure housing;  81% to improved sanitation and 10% to improved water source. In areas with predominantly Roma or Turkish minority populations, under-five mortality rates are twice the national average. Vaccination coverage is above 96 per cent, except among Roma children. As many as 5 per cent of Roma children have not been immunized against vaccine-preventable diseases, UNICEF, http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/bulgaria_background.html as accessed on 01.08.2009/. In the last 10 years the health status of Roma population became worse as it is proved by indicators and data: The child mortality among Roma population is 25 per 1000/in Sliven’s region -29/1000/, among Turks -17.8 /1000 and among Bulgarians -9.9/1000. For the overall country is 13.4/1000; 58 % of the Roma have no access to dental care; Over 50 % of the Roma have no health insurance status; Each forth Roma family has one person with disability and over 50 % has lost labour capacity; The Roma life expectancy is 10 years shorter than mainstream Bulgarians’ one. (2007-2009 data under the project "Health and Roma Community, Analysis of the Situation in Europe" which has received funding from the European Union, in the framework of the Public Health Programme at http://www.gitanos.org/european_programmes/health/bulgaria/index.html accessed on 01.08.2009).

Political representation – there is some political party’s which has been active in the Bulgarian political scene – “Evroroma”, “Drom” and some others but they did not succeed at the elections. Instead, the major political parties made attempts to win the support of the Roma minority and some have even included Roma minority members as their representatives in the Parliament (two in the previous and one at the present) Nevertheless, so far whenever Roma MPs were to be elected as candidates of mainstream parties, they were too afraid to protect Roma issues with the fear that they might lose their position. In most instances Roma MPs are eventually elected from non-Roma parties or as Roma partners of majority parties. However, as Roma have little to offer besides their votes, none of the parties has actually led a consistent and long-term policy towards the Roma minority (Marushiakova, et al., 1997:3; Courthiades, 2000). There were 31 members of minority groups in the 240 seat National Assembly, of whom 28 were ethnic Turks, one Roma, and two ethnic Armenians. There were two ethnic Turkish ministers in the cabinet and one Romani deputy minister. While the ethnic Turkish minority was well represented, Roma were underrepresented, particularly in appointed leadership positions. In the October 2007 local elections, approximately 30 municipal mayors of Turkish ethnicity were elected. No Romani mayors were elected, but more than 90 Romani municipal councillors were elected on Romani party tickets.

Education Data: Two thirds of Roma students who attend school at first grade leave it without educational degree (i.e. without graduating eighth grade). There are very few Roma in Bulgaria who receive higher education and hold high functions. Therefore, the Bulgarian school system becomes another contributor to their exclusion from the Bulgarian society.

Roma Communities Situation:

Horаhane-Roma is the most numerous group in Bulgaria. They hold Islam, mixed with many Christian elements. They speak Romanes mixed with a number of Turkish words. Some of them use Turkish along with Romanes. Many Horаhane-Roma have preferred Turkish self-consciousness: they deny their Romani origin although both, the Bulgarian and Turkish population still perceive them as Roma. Horаhane-Roma are divided into many sub-groups: like Koshnichari (Basket-makers) and so on. Drandari or Musicians is also an interesting group. Their dialect is different from that of the other Yerlii. Therefore, they do not mix with the other Romani groups. They keep the memory for their origin from the region of Kotel, they maintain the relations with other Drandari. Horohane-Roma with Turkish consciousness are called millet, due to the fact that the original Turkish population definitely refuses to accept them as Turks. There are legends spread among them connecting their origin with Turkish tribes from Afghanistan or Koreysha clan and the Prophet Mohammed. (see Marushiakova et al.2001:39-40)

Dassikane-Roma are also divided to various groups. These are, for example, the Burgudjii, Djambazi, Tujari, and so on. There is a slight tendency of converting to Bulgarian consciousness among them, although some groups proudly keep their Romani self-consciousness and traditions.

The so-called Kaldarashi are the third big Roma community in Bulgaria - around 50,000 p. They first passed through Austro-Hungary and Serbia. Therefore, they are often called 'Hungarian Gypsies,' 'Austrian Gypsies,' 'Serb Gypsies,' or 'Niamtzuri' (i.e. 'German Gypsies'). They are divided into two big groups, Bakardjii and Grebenari and many sub-groups. The Kaldarashi are one of the most preserved Roma communities in Bulgaria. They still have preserved custom Law forms as the Gypsy court - meshere (Romani Kris), they speak mainly Romanes, and they strictly keep their customs and traditions. The Orthodox Christianity plays an important role in the life of the Kaldarashi. There are not many of them in north-eastern Bulgaria. There are several families living in a village together with the other population without mixing with other Romani groups. There are bigger Kaldarashi communities in the town of Smyadovo, in the village of Kardam, Popovo region, and so on.

The community of the so-called Rudari is the second big Romani community in Bulgaria - between 70,000 and 100,000 p. They have preferred Romanian self-consciousness (more rarely - Bulgarian self-consciousness) and speak an ancient variant of Romanian language. Their religion is Orthodox Christianity although this is not so explicitly expressed as in the Kaldarashi community. Rudari are divided into two groups: Kopanari (wooden-bowl makers) and Mechkary (Bear-trainers). They are spread all over north-eastern Bulgaria - mainly in Varna and Provadia region, some villages from Shumen region and some villages from Razgrad region, and so on.

Roma live in five major social groups:

 Ghetto groups – there are Ghettos in some of the largest Bulgarian cities. The Roma Ghetto characterizes itself with high unemployment level, miserable living conditions and social marginalization. On the first place Ghetto actually lives according to its own rules, with own authorities and stay aside from the life of mainstream society. In practice Roma Ghettos can be described as a separate town in the suburbs or even in the centre of the Cities. Most of Roma who live in the Ghetto have no contacts with the mainstream society. This fact is leading to strengthening of culture and social distance between the Roma in the Ghetto and the mainstream society.

Further segregated families - they are living within the Roma Ghetto. Usually they live in misery because they are left away from the community mechanisms for mutual help. They have totally lost their traditional Roma moral values.

Separated groups – they live in Roma neighbourhoods in small towns and villages. Roma neighbourhoods are different from Roma Ghettos because the Roma neighbourhood is still half opened to mainstream society. Roma neighbourhood does not live completely closed life as a Roma Ghetto. Roma who live in the Roma Neighbourhood hold regular contacts with the members of mainstream society and cultural distance between them is still not so big. Most of the families in Roma Neighbourhood are strong patriarchal and hold traditional Roma moral values. The main problem during the transition period is that the Roma Neighbourhoods slowly convert to Roma Ghettos.         

updated on 01.08.2009